"First-Person Methods in the Science of Consciousness" by David Chalmers
- Login or register to post comments
- Print this page
http://consc.net/papers/firstperson.html
David J. Chalmers
chalmers@arizona.edu
Department of Philosophy
University of Arizona
Tucson, AZ 85721.
First-Person Methods in the Science of Consciousness
[[Published in the Arizona Consciousness Bulletin, 1999. These ideas are elaborated in "How Can We Construct a Science of Consciousness?".]]
Here are a few very general thoughts about how I see the shape of a science of consciousness, focusing on the issue of first-person methodology. At the end I will make a few remarks about how this might apply to the study of emotion.
As I see it, the science of consciousness is all about relating third-person data - about brain processes, behavior, environmental interaction, and the like - to first-person data about conscious experience. I take it for granted that there are first-person data. It's a manifest fact about our minds that there is something it is like to be us - that we have subjective experiences - and that these subjective experiences are quite different at different times. Our direct knowledge of subjective experiences stems from our first-person access to them. And subjective experiences are arguably the central data that we want a science of consciousness to explain.
I also take it that the first-person data can't be expressed wholly in terms of third-person data about brain processes and the like. There may be a deep connection between the two - a correlation or even an identity - but if there is, the connection will emerge through a lot of investigation, and can't be stipulated at the beginning of the day. That's to say, no purely third-person description of brain processes and behavior will express precisely the data we want to explain, though they may play a central role in the explanation. So as data, the first-person data are irreducible to third-person data.
The job of a science of consciousness, then, is to connect the first-person data to third-person data: perhaps to explain the former in terms of the latter, or at least to come up with systematic theoretical connections between the two. We ought at least to be able to come up with broad connecting principles, saying e.g. that certain sorts of experiences go along with certain sorts of processes in the brain (and/or vice versa), or that certain sorts of experiences go along with certain sorts of information-processing (and/or vice versa), and so on. If we're successful with this, perhaps we'll eventually be able to formulate simple and universal laws that underlie these broad connecting principles. That would be what I've called a "fundamental theory" of consciousness. We're a long way from that now, but we can at least make a start on connecting third-person data to first-person data at a broad level.
To do this, we need good methodologies for collecting the data and good languages and formalisms for expressing them. When it comes to the third-person data, these methods are very well-developed. Psychologists have developed sophisticated methods for studying behavior, for example, and neuroscientists have developed an ever-expanding group of ingenious methods for getting at what is going on in the brain: EEG, brain imaging, single-cell studies, and many others. And there are multiple formalisms for expressing these data: plain language, neurophysiological classification, various sorts of images and diagrams, computational models, and more. It seems fair to say that on the third-person side of things, the central constraints on data gathering and expression stem from technological (and ethical) limitations rather than conceptual barriers.
When it comes to first-person data, things aren't nearly so well-developed. Here methodologies for investigating the data are relatively thin on the ground, and formalisms for expressing them are even thinner. When it comes to methodologies, there have been various ideas: the 19th-century psychological introspectionists, 20th-century philosophical phenomenologists, and centuries of meditative studies in Eastern thought have all developed sophisticated frameworks, but all are widely held to have serious limitations, and none has been much integrated into contemporary science.
Contemporary scientists quite often do rely on first-person data in central ways, for example in psychophysics, where first-person experience of various phenomena such as illusions seems to be the coin of the realm in capturing the data that need to be explained. The methodology here seems to be that of simple untutored introspection and verbal report. This is not bad for capturing gross and simple features of conscious experience - does one see a pink splotch? - and maybe such methods will take us a fair way, but eventually we will need more to investigate that manifold intricacies of conscious experience.
When it comes to formalisms for expressing the first-person data, we are even worse off. Mostly we rely on simple language - an experience of red, of a horizontal line, a feeling of happiness, a sharp pain. But this sort of language is obviously coarse-grained and imprecise, and usually relies on an interlocutor's experience of the sme phenomena to carry any communicative content at all. There have been a few attempts at developing more structured formalisms - the quantitative methods used in measurement of sensation in psychophysics, for example, or the structured phenomenal fields of Husserlian phenomenologists - but nothing with remotely the precision and scope of formalisms in the third-person domain.
In my opinion, the development of more sophisticated methodologies for investigating first-person data and of formalisms for expressing them is the greatest challenge now facing a science of consciousness. Only by developing such methodologies and formalisms will we be able to collect and express first-person data in such a way that it is on a par with third-person data, so that we can find truly systematic and detailed connections between the two.
When it comes to first-person methodologies, there are well-known obstacles: the lack of incorrigible access to our experience; the idea that introspecting an experience changes the experience; the impossibility of accessing all of our experience at once, and the consequent possibility of "grand illusions"; and more. I don't have much that's new to say about these. I think that could end up posing principled limitations, but none provide in-principle barriers to at least initial development of methods for investgating the first-person data in clear cases. I hope to see ideas from Western and Eastern philosophy and from contemporary and historical psychology integrated with a series of new ideas in coming years.
When it comes to first-person formalisms, there may be even greater obstacles: can the content of experience be wholly captured in language, or in any other formalism, at all? Many have argued that at least some experiences are "ineffable". And if one has not had a given experience, can any description be meaningful to one? Here again, I think at least some progress ought to be possible. We ought at least to be able to develop formalisms for capturing the structure of experience: similarities and differences between experiences of related sorts, for examples, and the detailed structure of something like a visual field. I don't know what exactly such a formalism would look like, but perhaps something bringing in ideas from geometry or toplogy, or from information theory, might be useful.
As for the intrinsic non-structural aspects of experience (the sensation of red, for example), things are more difficult. But even here one could arguably find some underlying structure: e.g. color experiences can arguably be decomposed into experiences of brightness, saturation, and hue. Perhaps - let's speculate - one might develop a theory of "proto-qualia" from which the qualia we experience are systematically built up? Or perhaps not, in which case we'll need other ideas. The idea of simple building blocks might help to some extent with the problem of communication, though: although different individuals may have different experiences, arguably some of the same building blocks might be present in each case. So perhaps they could abstract the primitive elements through inference from their own experience, and then get some idea of others' experience through the idea of recombination. Perhaps this could even eventually (when connected appropriately to third-person data) give us some clue about the subjective lives of animals. Or again, perhaps not.
What about emotions, in particular? Here I don't have much to say, and I expect that other participants in this symposium have thought about the issue in far more sophisticated ways than I have. But I hope I will be forgiven for entering into the spirit of things with a little uninformed speculation.
It's clear at a glance that when it comes to first-person study of emotion, the issues of both methodology and formalism are relevant. How does one collect first-person data about emotional experience? There are presumably particular difficulties with reliability here. How reliable can one expect an observer in a red-hot rage to be? In the domain of emotion, isn't self-deception likely to be ubiquitous? And presumably there will be observer effects all over the place: it doesn't seem implausible that cultivating a detached perspective on emotional experience will change the character of the experience significantly.
On the positive side, many people seem to be quite good at investigating their own emotional states, and it is a particularly interesting project. In this area, going beyond gross features to subtleties may be particularly rewarding. This is illustrated in the rich investigations of novelists such as Proust. Perhaps there is some way to tap into this sort of thing for scientific purposes?
I don't know much about the field, but my guess is that right now, the dominant methods for accessing first-person data in scientific experiments on emotion involve relatively untutored introspection of relatively gross features: asking a subject whether they are having experiences of happiness and sadness, and the like. And I imagine that even this provides a productive source of data to be going on with, and with which a lot of interesting science can be done. I imagine that participants in this symposium will be talking about some more developed methodologies for the first-person study of emotion, though, and I will be interested to hear what they have to say.
As for formalisms, this seems to be more of a question mark. Emotions seem to be particularly inexpressible, especially to one who hasn't experienced the emotion in question before. Even where two individuals have emotional experience in common, it can be hard to find the right language to describe it. At the same time, our experiences clearly vary on a number of clear dimensions: duration, intensity, positive or negative affect, and numerous others. And I imagine that most of these things are already exploited by experimenters in the field. It's far from clear (to me, at least) just how much of the complex character of emotions can be captured in such quantitative and structural measures, but it's at least a start. And perhaps we will be able to develop more and more sophisticated formalisms for expressing more and more of the complex structure of emotion, so the unexpressed residue will at least shrink considerably. I imagine there are a good number of ideas along these lines out there already.
As to what to do with that unexpressed residue: perhaps we'll have to rely on common language to bootstrap our understanding of common elements of experience, or perhaps we'll be able to go further with some sort of building-block methodology. Or perhaps we'll come to the conclusion that formalisms can only tell us so much about emotions, and that novelists are needed to tell us the rest. I don't have any firm expectations here myself, but I'll be very interested to see how thing play out, both in this conference and in coming years.
Comments
"The Fantasy of First-Person Science" by Daniel Dennett
http://ase.tufts.edu/cogstud/papers/chalmersdeb3dft.htm
Daniel C. Dennett
Center for Cognitive Studies
Tufts University
Medford, MA 02155
(a written version of a debate with David Chalmers, held at Northwestern University, Evanston, IL,. February 15, 2001, supplemented by an email debate with Alvin Goldman)
A week ago, I heard James Conant give a talk at Tufts, entitled âTwo Varieties of Skepticismâ in which he distinguished two oft-confounded questions:
Descartes: How is it possible for me to tell whether a thought of mine is true or false, perception or dream?
Kant: How is it possible for something even to be a thought (of mine)? What are the conditions for the possibility of experience (veridical or illusory) at all?
Conantâs excellent point was that in the history of philosophy, up to this very day, we often find philosophers talking past each other because they donât see the difference between the Cartesian question (or family of questions) and the Kantian question (or family of questions), or because they try to merge the questions. I want to add a third version of the question:
Turing: How could we make a robot that had thoughts, that learned from âexperienceâ (interacting with the world) and used what it learned the way we can do?
There are two main reactions to Turingâs proposal to trade in Kantâs question for his.
(A) Cool! Turing has found a way to actually answer Kantâs question!
(B) Aaaargh! Donât fall for it! Youâre leaving out . . . experience!
Iâm captain of the A team (along with Quine, Rorty, Hofstadter, the Churchlands, Andy Clark, Lycan, Rosenthal, Harman, and many others). I think the A team wins, but I donât think it is obvious. In fact, I think it takes a rather remarkable exercise of the imagination to see how it might even be possible, but I do think one can present a powerful case for it. As I like to put it, we are robots made of robotsâweâre each composed of some few trillion robotic cells, each one as mindless as the molecules theyâre composed of, but working together in a gigantic team that creates all the action that occurs in a conscious agent. Turingâs great contribution was to show us that Kantâs question could be recast as an engineering question. Turing showed us how we could trade in the first-person perspective of Descartes and Kant for the third-person perspective of the natural sciences and answer all the questionsâwithout philosophically significant residue.
David Chalmers is the captain of the B team, (along with Nagel, Searle, Fodor, Levine, Pinker, Harnad and many others). He insists that he just knows that the A team leaves out consciousness. It doesnât address what Chalmers calls the Hard Problem. How does he know? He says he just does. He has a gut intuition, something he has sometimes called âdirect experience.â I know the intuition well. I can feel it myself. When I put up Turingâs proposal just now, if you felt a little twinge, a little shock, a sense that your pocket had just been picked, you know the feeling too. I call it the Zombic Hunch (Dennett, forthcoming). I feel it, but I donât credit it. I figure that Turingâs genius permitted him to see that we can leap over the Zombic Hunch. We can come to see it, in the end, as a misleader, a roadblock to understanding. Weâve learned to dismiss other such intuitions in the pastâthe obstacles that so long prevented us from seeing the Earth as revolving around the sun, or seeing that living things were composed of non-living matter. It still seems that the sun goes round the earth, and it still seems that a living thing has some extra spark, some extra ingredient that sets it apart from all non-living stuff, but weâve learned not to credit those intuitions. So now, do you want to join me in leaping over the Zombic Hunch, or do you want to stay put, transfixed by this intuition that wonât budge? I will try to show you how to join me in making the leap.
1. Are you sure there is something left out?
In Consciousness Explained, (Dennett, 1991) I described a method, heterophenomenology, which was explicitly designed to be
the neutral path leading from objective physical science and its insistence on the third-person point of view, to a method of phenomenological description that can (in principle) do justice to the most private and ineffable subjective experiences, while never abandoning the methodological principles of science. (CE, p72.)
How does it work? We start with recorded raw data. Among these are the vocal sounds people make (what they say, in other words), but to these verbal reports must be added all the other manifestations of belief, conviction, expectation, fear, loathing, disgust, etc., including any and all internal conditions (e.g. brain activities, hormonal diffusion, heart rate changes, etc.) detectable by objective means.
I guess I should take some of the blame for the misapprehension, in some quarters, that heterophenomenology restricts itself to verbal reports. Nothing could be further from the truth. Verbal reports are different from all other sorts of raw data precisely in that they admit of (and require, according to both heterophenomenology and the 1st-person point of view) interpretation as speech acts, and subsequent assessment as expressions of belief about a subjectâs âprivateâ subjective state. And so my discussion of the methodology focused on such verbal reports in order to show how they are captured within the fold of standard scientific (â3rd-personâ) data. But all other such data, all behavioral reactions, visceral reactions, hormonal reactions, and other changes in physically detectable state are included within heterophenomenology. I thought that went without saying, but apparently these additional data are often conveniently overlooked by critics of heterophenomenology.
From the recorded verbal utterances, we get transcripts (e.g., in English or French, or whatever), from which in turn we devise interpretations of the subjectsâ speech acts, which we thus get to treat as (apparent) expressions of their beliefs, on all topics. Thus using the intentional stance (Dennett, 1971, 1987), we construct therefrom the subjectâs heterophenomenological world. We move, that is, from raw data to interpreted data: a catalogue of the subjectsâ convictions, beliefs, attitudes, emotional reactions, . . . (together with much detail regarding the circumstances in which these intentional states are situated), but then we adopt a special move, which distinguishes heterophenomenology from the normal interpersonal stance: the subjectsâ beliefs (etc.) are all bracketed for neutrality.
Why? Because of two failures of overlap, which we may label false positive and false negative. False positive: Some beliefs that subjects have about their own conscious states are provably false, and hence what needs explanation in these cases is the etiology of the false belief.
For instance, most peopleânaive peopleâthink their visual fields are roughly uniform in visual detail or grain all the way out to the periphery. Even sophisticated cognitive scientists can be startled when they discover just how poor their capacity is to identify a peripherally located object (such as a playing card held at armâs length). It certainly seems as if our visual consciousness is detailed all the way out all the time, but easy experiments show that it isnât. (Our color vision also seems to extend all the way out, but similar experiments show that it doesnât.) So the question posed by the heterophenomenologist is:
Why do people think their visual fields are detailed all the way out?
not this question:
How come, since peopleâs visual fields are detailed all the way out, they canât identify things parafoveally?
False negative: Some psychological things that happen in people (to put it crudely but neutrally) are unsuspected by those people. People not only volunteer no information on these topics; when provoked to search, they find no information on these topics. But a forced choice guess, for instance, reveals that nevertheless, there is something psychological going on. This shows, for instance, that they are being influenced by the meaning of the masked word even though they are, as they put it, entirely unaware of any such word. (One might put this by saying that there is a lot of unconscious mental activityâbut this is tendentious; to some, it might be held to beg the vexed question of whether people are briefly conscious of these evanescent and elusive topics, but just hugely and almost instantaneously forgetful of them.)
Now faced with these failures of overlapâpeople who believe they are conscious of more than is in fact going on in them, and people who do not believe they are conscious of things that are in fact going on in themâheterophenomenology maintains a nice neutrality: it characterizes their beliefs, their heterophenomenological world, without passing judgment, and then investigates to see what could explain the existence of those beliefs. Often, indeed typically or normally, the existence of a belief is explained by confirming that it is a true belief provoked by the normal operation of the relevant sensory, perceptual, or introspective systems. Less often, beliefs can be seen to be true only under some arguable metaphorical interpretationâthe subject claims to have manipulated a mental image, and weâve found a quasi-imagistic process in his brain that can support that claim, if it is interpreted metaphorically. Less often still, the existence of beliefs is explainable by showing how they are illusory byproducts of the brainâs activities: it only seems to subjects that they are reliving an experience theyâve experienced before (dĂ©ja vu).
In this chapter we have developed a neutral method for investigating and describing phenomenology. It involves extracting and purifying texts from (apparently) speaking subjects, and using those texts to generate a theoristâs fiction, the subjectâs heterophenomenological world. This fictional world is populated with all the images, events, sounds, smells, hunches, presentiments, and feelings that the subject (apparently) sincerely believes to exist in his or her (or its) stream of consciousness. Maximally extended, it is a neutral portrayal of exactly what it is like to be that subjectâin the subjectâs own terms, given the best interpretation we can muster. . . . . People undoubtedly do believe that they have mental images, pains, perceptual experiences, and all the rest, and these factsâthe facts about what people believe, and report when they express their beliefsâare phenomena any scientific theory of the mind must account for. (CE, p98)
Is this truly neutral, or does it bias our investigation of consciousness by stopping one step short? Shouldnât our data include not just subjectâs subjective beliefs about their experiences, but the experiences themselves? Levine, a first-string member of the B Team, insists
"that conscious experiences themselves, not merely our verbal judgments about them, are the primary data to which a theory must answer." (Levine, 1994)
This is an appealing idea, but it is simply a mistake. First of all, remember that heterophenomenology gives you much more data than just a subjectâs verbal judgments; every blush, hesitation, and frown, as well as all the covert, internal reactions and activities that can be detected, are included in our primary data. But what about this concern with leaving the âconscious experiences themselvesâ out of the primary data? Defenders of the first-person point of view are not entitled to this complaint against heterophenomenology, since by their own lights, they should prefer heterophenomenologyâs treatment of the primary data to any other. Why? Because it does justice to both possible sources of non-overlap. On the one hand, if some of your conscious experiences occur unbeknownst to you (if they are experiences about which you have no beliefs, and hence can make no "verbal judgments"), then they are just as inaccessible to your first-person point of view as they are to heterophenomenology. Ex hypothesi, you don't even suspect you have them--if you did, you could verbally express those suspicions. So heterophenomenology's list of primary data doesn't leave out any conscious experiences you know of, or even have any first-person inklings about. On the other hand, unless you claim not just reliability but outright infallibility, you should admit that some--just some--of your beliefs (or verbal judgments) about your conscious experiences might be wrong. In all such cases, however rare they are, what has to be explained by theory is not the conscious experience, but your belief in it (or your sincere verbal judgment, etc). So heterophenomenology doesn't include any spurious "primary data" either, but plays it safe in a way you should approve.
Heterophenomenology is nothing but good old 3rd-person scientific method applied to the particular phenomena of human (and animal) consciousness. Scientists who were interested in taking the first-person point of view seriously figured out how to do just that, bringing the data of the first person into the fold of objective science. I didnât invent the method; I merely described it, and explained its rationale.
Alvin Goldman has recently challenged this claim. In "Science, Publicity and Consciousness" (1997), he says that heterophenomenology is not, as I claim, the standard method of consciousness research, since researchers "rely substantially on subjects' introspective beliefs about their conscious experience (or lack thereof)" (p532). In private correspondence (Feb 21, 2001) he has elaborated his claim thus:
The objection lodged in my paper to heterophenomenology is that what cognitive scientists actually do in this territory is not to practice agnosticism. Instead, they rely substantially on subjects' introspective beliefs (or reports). So my claim is that the heterophenomenological method is not an accurate description of what cognitive scientists (of consciousness) standardly do. Of course, you can say (and perhaps intended to say, but if so it wasn't entirely clear) that this is what scientists should do, not what they do do.
I certainly would play the role of reformer if it were necessary, but Goldman is simply mistaken; the adoption of agnosticism is so firmly built into practice these days that it goes without saying, which is perhaps why he missed it. Consider, for instance, the decades-long controversy about mental imagery, starring Shepard, Kosslyn, and Pylyshyn among many others. If agnosticism were not the tacit order of the day, Kosslyn would have never needed to do his well-known experiments to support subjectsâ claims that what they were doing (at least if described metaphorically) really was a process of image manipulation. (The issues are not settled yet, of course.) In psychophysics, the use of signal detection theory has been part of the canon since the 1960s, and it specifically commands researchers to control for the fact that the response criterion is under the subjectâs control although the subject is not himself or herself a reliable source on the topic. Or consider the voluminous research literature on illusions, both perceptual and cognitive, which standardly assumes that the data are what subjects judge to be the case, and never makes the mistake of ârelying substantially on subjectsâ introspective beliefs.â The diagnosis of Goldmanâs error is particularly clear here: of course experimenters on illusions rely on subjectsâ introspective beliefs (as expressed in their judgments) about how it seems to them, but that is the agnosticism of heterophenomenology; to go beyond it would be, for instance, to assume that in size illusions there really were visual images of different sizes somewhere in subjectsâ brains (or minds), which of course no researcher would dream of doing. Finally, consider such phenomena as dĂ©ja vu. Sober research on this topic has never made the mistake of abandoning agnosticism about subjectsâ claims to be reliving previous experiences. See, e.g., Bower and Clapper, in Posner, ed., 1989, for instance, or any good textbook on methods in cognitive science for the details. (Goldman has responded to this paragraph in a series of emails to me, which I have included in an Appendix.)
A bounty of excellent heterophenomenological research has been done, is being done, on consciousness. See, e.g., the forthcoming special issue of Cognition, edited by Stanislas Dehaene, on the cognitive neuroscience of consciousness. It contains a wealth of recent experiments all conducted within the methodological strictures of heterophenomenology, whose resolutely third-person treatment of belief attribution squares perfectly with standard scientific method: when we assess the attributions of belief relied upon by experimenters (in preparing and debriefing subjects, for instance) we use precisely the principles of the intentional stance to settle what it is reasonable to postulate regarding the subjectsâ beliefs and desires. Now Chalmers has objected (in the debate) that this âbehavioristicâ treatment of belief is itself question-begging against an alternative vision of belief in which, for instance, âhaving a phenomenological belief doesnât involve just a pattern of responses, but often requires having certain experiences.â (personal correspondence, 2/19/01). On the contrary, heterophenomenology is neutral on just this score, for surely we mustnât assume that Chalmers is right that there is a special category of âphenomenologicalâ beliefsâthat there is a kind of belief that is off-limits to âzombiesâ but not to us conscious folks. Heterophenomenology allows us to proceed with our catalogue of a subjectâs beliefs leaving it open whether any or all of them are Chalmers-style phenomenological beliefs or mere zombie-beliefs. (More on this later.) In fact, heterophenomenology permits science to get on with the business of accounting for the patterns in all these subjective beliefs without stopping to settle this imponderable issue. And surely Chalmers must admit that the patterns in these beliefs are among the phenomena that any theory of consciousness must explain.
Letâs look at a few cases of heterophenomenology in action. [Demo of Ramachandranâs example of motion capture under isoluminance. I will attempt to make a streaming video version of these demos available on the Centerâs website, but it is not there at this time, DCD, March 1, 2001] Do you see the motion? You see apparent motion. Does the yellow blob really move? The blob on the screen doesnât move. Ah, but does the subjective yellow blob in your experience move? Does it really move, or do you just judge that it moves? Well, it sure seems to move! That is what you judge, right? Now perhaps there are differences in how you would word your judgments. And perhaps there are other differences. Perhaps some of you not only judge that it seems to move, but are made slightly dizzy or nauseated by the apparent motion. Perhaps some people get motion sickness from motion capture and others donât. Perhaps some of you donât even experience the apparent motion at all. Perhaps some of you can use such apparent motion just like real motion, to help disambiguate shapes, for instance, and perhaps you canât. We can explore these variations in as much detail as you like, and can come back to you again and again with further inquiries, further tests, further suggested distinctions.
You are not authoritative about what is happening in you, but only about what seems to be happening in you, and we are giving you total, dictatorial authority over the account of how it seems to you, about what it is like to be you. And if you complain that some parts of how it seems to you are ineffable, we heterophenomenologists will grant that too. What better grounds could we have for believing that you are unable to describe something than that (1) you donât describe it, and (2) confess that you cannot? Of course you might be lying, but weâll give you the benefit of the doubt.(CE, p96-7)
Is there anything about your experience of this motion capture phenomenon that is not explorable by heterophenomenology? Iâd like to know what. This is a fascinating and surprising phenomenon, predicted from the 3rd-person point of view, and eminently studiable via heterophenomenology. (Tom Nagel once claimed that 3rd-person science might provide us with brute correlations between subjective experiences and objective conditions in the brain, but could never explain those correlations, in the way that chemists can explain the correlation between the liquidity of water and its molecular structure. I asked him if he considered the capacity of industrial chemists to predict the molar properties of novel artificial polymers in advance of creating them as the epitome of such explanatory correlation, and he agreed that it was. Ramachandran and Gregory predicted this motion capture phenomenon, an entirely novel and artificial subjective experience, on the basis of their knowledge of how the brain processes vision.)
See next Rensinkâs change blindness. [Demo] (By the way, this is an effect I predicted in CE, much to the disbelief of many readers. )
Were your qualia changing before you noticed the flashing white cupboard door? You saw each picture several dozen times, and eventually you saw a change that was âswift and enormousâ (Dennett, 1999, Palmer, 1999) but that swift, enormous change was going on for a dozen times and more before you noticed it. Does it count as a change in color qualia?
The possible answers:
A.Yes.
B. No.
C. I donât know
(1) because I now realize I never knew quite what I meant by âqualiaâ all along.
(2) because although I know just what I have always meant by âqualiaâ, I have no first-person access to my own qualia in this case.
(a) and 3rd-person science canât get access to qualia either!
Letâs start with option C first. Many people discover, when they confront this case, that since they never imagined such a phenomenon was possible, they never considered how their use of the term âqualiaâ should describe it. They discover a heretofore unimagined flaw in their concept of qualiaârather like the flaw that physicists discovered in their concept of weight when they first distinguished weight from mass. The philosophersâ concept of qualia is a mess. Philosophers donât even agree on how to apply it in dramatic cases like this. I hate to be an old I-told-you-so but I told you so (âQuining Qualiaâ). This should be at least mildly embarrassing to our field, since so many scientists have recently been persuaded by philosophers that they should take qualia seriouslyâonly to discover that philosophers donât come close to agreeing among themselves about when qualiaâwhatever they areâare present. (I have noticed that many scientists who think they are newfound friends of qualia turn out to use the term in ways no self-respecting qualophile will countenance.)
But although some philosophers may now concede that they arenât so sure what they meant by âqualiaâ all along, others are very sure what concept of qualia theyâve been using all along, so letâs consider what they say. Some of them, I have learned, have no problem with the idea that their very own qualia could change radically without their noticing. They mean by âqualiaâ something to which their 1st-person access is variable and problematic. If you are one of those, then heterophenomenology is your preferred method, since it, unlike the first-person point of view, can actually study the question of whether qualia change in this situation. It is going to be a matter of some delicacy, however, how to decide which brain events count for what. In this phenomenon of change blindness for color changes, for instance, we know that the color-sensitive cones in the relevant region of your retina were flashing back and forth, in perfect synchrony with the white/brown quadrangle, and presumably (we should check) other, later areas of your color vision system were also shifting in time with the external color shift. But if we keep looking, we will also presumably find yet other areas of the visual system that only come into synchrony after youâve noticed. (such effects have been found in similar fMRI studies, eg. OâCraven et al. 1997).
The hard part will be deciding (on what grounds?) which features of which states to declare to be qualia and why. I am not saying there canât be grounds for this. I can readily imagine there being good grounds, but if so, then those will be grounds for adopting/endorsing a 3rd-person concept of qualia (cf. the discussion of Chase and Sanborn in Dennett, 1988, or the beer-drinkers in CE 395-6). The price you have to pay for obtaining the support of 3rd-person science for your conviction about how it is/was with you is straightforward: you have to grant that what you mean by how it is/was with you is something that 3rd-person science could either support or show to be mistaken. Once we adopt any such concept of qualia, for instance, we will be in a position to answer the question of whether color qualia shift during change blindness. And if some subjects in our apparatus tell us that their qualia do shift, while our brainscanner data shows clearly that they donât, weâll treat these subjects as simply wrong about their own qualia, and weâll explain why and how they come to have this false belief.
Some people find this prospect inconceivable. For just this reason, some people may want to settle for option B: No, my qualia donât changeâcouldnât changeâuntil I notice the change. This decision guarantees that qualia, tied thus to noticing, are securely within the heterophenomenological worlds of subjects, are indeed constitutive features of their heterophenomenological worlds. On option B, what subjects can say about their qualia fixes the data.[1]
By a process of elimination, that leaves option A, YES, to consider. If you think your qualia did change (though you didnât notice it at the time) why do you think this? Is this a theory of yours? If so, it needs evaluation like any other theory. If not, did it just come to you? A gut intuition? Either way, your conviction is a prime candidate for heterophenomenological diagnosis: what has to be explained is how you came to have this belief. The last thing we want to do is to treat your claim as incorrigible. Right?
Here is the dilemma for the B Team, and Captain Chalmers. If you eschew incorrigibility claims, and especially if you acknowledge the competence of 3rd-person science to answer questions that canât be answered from the 1st-person point of view, your position collapses into heterophenomenology. The only remaining alternative, C(2a), is unattractive for a different reason. You can protect qualia from heterophenomenological appropriation, but only at the cost of declaring them outside science altogether. If qualia are so shy they are not even accessible from the 1st-person point of view, then no 1st-person science of qualia is possible either.
I will not contest the existence of first-person facts that are unstudiable by heterophenomology and other 3rd-person approaches. As Steve White has reminded me, these would be like the humdrum âinert historical factsâ I have spoken of elsewhereâlike the fact that some of the gold in my teeth once belonged to Julius Caesar, or the fact that none of it did. One of those is a fact, and I daresay no possible extension of science will ever be able to say which is the truth. But if 1st-person facts are like inert historical facts, they are no challenge to the claim that heterophenomenology is the maximally inclusive science of consciousness, because they are unknowable even to the 1st person they are about!
2. David Chalmers as a Heterophenomenological Subject
Of course it still seems to many people that heterophenomenology must be leaving something out. Thatâs the ubiquitous Zombic Hunch. How does the A team respond to this? Very straightforwardly: by including the Zombic Hunch among the heartfelt convictions any good theory of consciousness must explain. One of the things that it falls to a theory of consciousness to explain is why some people are visited by the Zombic Hunch. Chalmers is one such, so letâs look more closely at the speech acts Chalmers has offered as a subject of heterophenomenological investigation.
Here is Chalmersâ definition of a zombie (his zombie twin):
Molecule for molecule identical to me, and identical in all the low-level properties postulated by a completed physics, but he lacks conscious experience entirely . . . he is embedded in an identical environment. He will certainly be identical to me functionally; he will be processing the same sort of information, reacting in a similar way to inputs, with his internal configurations being modified appropriately and with indistinguishable behavior resulting. . . . he will be awake, able to report the contents of his internal states, able to focus attention in various places and so on. It is just that none of this functioning will be accompanied by any real conscious experience. There will be no phenomenal feel. There is nothing it is like to be a Zombie. . . 1996, p95
Notice that Chalmers allows that zombies have internal states with contents, which the zombie can report (sincerely, one presumes, believing them to be the truth); these internal states have contents, but not conscious contents, only pseudo-conscious contents. The Zombic Hunch, then, is Chalmersâ conviction that he has just described a real problem. It seems to him that there is a problem of how to explain the difference between him and his zombie twin.
The justification for my belief that I am conscious lies not just in my cognitive mechanisms but also in my direct evidence [emphasis added]; the zombie lacks that evidence, so his mistake does not threaten the grounds for our beliefs. (One can also note that the zombie doesn't have the same beliefs as us, because of the role that experience plays in constituting the contents of those beliefs.) (Reply to Searle)
This speech act is curious, and when we set out to interpret it, we have to cast about for a charitable interpretation. How does Chalmersâ justification lie in his âdirect evidenceâ? Although he says the zombie lacks that evidence, nevertheless the zombie believes he has the evidence, just as Chalmers does. Chalmers and his zombie twin are heterophenomenological twins: when we interpret all the data we have, we end up attributing to them exactly the same heterophenomenological worlds. Chalmers fervently believes he himself is not a zombie. The zombie fervently believes he himself is not a zombie. Chalmers believes he gets his justification from his âdirect evidenceâ of his consciousness. So does the zombie, of course.
The zombie has the conviction that he has direct evidence of his own consciousness, and that this direct evidence is his justification for his belief that he is conscious. Chalmers must maintain that the zombieâs conviction is false. He says that the zombie doesnât have the same beliefs as us âbecause of the role that experience plays in constituting the contents of those beliefs,â but I donât see how this can be so. Experience (in the special sense Chalmers has tried to introduce) plays no role in constituting the contents of those beliefs, since ex hypothesi, if experience (in this sense) were eliminatedâif Chalmers were to be suddenly zombifiedâhe would go right on saying what he says, insisting on what he now insists on, and so forth.[2] Even if his âphenomenological beliefsâ suddenly ceased to be phenomenological beliefs, he would be none the wiser. It would not seem to him that his beliefs were no longer phenomenological.
But wait, I am forgetting my own method and arguing with a subject! As a good heterophenomenologist, I must grant Chalmers full license to his deeply held, sincerely expressed convictions and the heterophenomenological world they constitute. And then I must undertake the task of explaining the etiology of his beliefs. Perhaps Chalmersâ beliefs about his experiences will turn out to be true, though how that prospect could emerge eludes me at this time. But I will remain neutral. Certainly we shouldnât give them incorrigible status. (Heâs not the Pope.) The fact that some subjects have the Zombic Hunch shouldnât be considered grounds for revolutionizing the science of consciousness.[3]
3. Whereâs the Program?
That leaves the B Team in a bit of a predicament. Chalmers would like to fulfil the Philosopherâs Dream:
To prove a priori, from oneâs ivory tower, a metaphysical fact that forces a revolution in the sciences.
It is not an impossible dream. (That is, it is not logically impossible.) Einsteinâs great insight into relativity comes tantalizingly close to having been a purely philosophical argument, something a philosopher might have come up with just from first principles. And Patrick Matthew could claim with some justice in 1860 to have scooped Darwinâs theory of natural selection in 1831 by an act of pure reason:
it was by a general glance at the scheme of Nature that I estimated this select production of species as an a priori recognizable factâan axiom, requiring only to be pointed out to be admitted by unprejudiced minds of sufficient grasp.[see DDI, p49]
The Zombic Hunch is accompanied by arguments designed to show that it is logically possible (however physically impossible) for there to be a zombie. This logical possibility is declared by Chalmers to have momentous implications for the scientific study of consciousness, but as a candidate for the Philosopherâs Dream it has one failing not shared with either Einsteinâs or Matthewâs great ideas: it prescribes no research program. Suppose you are convinced that Chalmers is right. Now what? What experiments would you do (or do differently) that you are not already doing? What models would you discard or revise, and what would you replace them with? And why?
Chalmers has recently addressed this very issue in a talk entitled âFirst-Person Methods in the Science of Consciousnessâ (Consciousness Bulletin, Fall 1999, and on Chalmersâ website), but I hunt through that essay in vain for any examples of research that are somehow off limits to, or that transcend, heterophenomenology:
I take it for granted that there are firstâperson data. It's a manifest fact about our minds that there is something it is like to be us â that we have subjective experiences â and that these subjective experiences are quite different at different times. Our direct knowledge of subjective experiences stems from our firstâperson access to them. And subjective experiences are arguably the central data that we want a science of consciousness to explain. [emphases added] I also take it that the firstâperson data can't be expressed wholly in terms of thirdâperson data about brain processes and the like. There may be a deep connection between the two â a correlation or even an identity â but if there is, the connection will emerge through a lot of investigation, and can't be stipulated at the beginning of the day [emphasis added]. That's to say, no purely thirdâperson description of brain processes and behavior will express precisely the data we want to explain, though they may play a central role in the explanation. So as data, the firstâperson data are irreducible to thirdâperson data.
Notice how this passage blurs the distinctions of heterophenomenology. âArguably?â I have argued, to the contrary, that subjectsâ beliefs about their subjective experiences are the central data. Iâve reviewed these arguments here today. So, is Chalmers rejecting my arguments? If so, what is wrong with them? I agree with him that a correlation or identityâor indeed, the veracity of a subjectâs beliefs--âcanât be stipulated at the beginning of the day.â That is the neutrality of heterophenomenology. It is Chalmers who is holding out for an opening stipulation in his insistence that the Zombic Hunch be granted privileged status. As he says, he âtakes it for granted that there are first-person data.â I donât. Not in Chalmersâ charged sense of that term. I donât stipulate at the beginning of the day that our subjective beliefs about our first-person experiences are âphenomenologicalâ beliefs in a sense that requires them somehow to depend on (but not causally depend on) experiences that zombies donât have! I just stipulate that the contents of those beliefs exhaustively constitute each personâs (or zombieâs) subjectivity.
In his paper on first-person methods, Chalmers sees some of the problems confronting a science of consciousness:
When it comes to firstâperson methodologies, there are wellâknown obstacles: the lack of incorrigible access to our experience; the idea that introspecting an experience changes the experience; the impossibility of accessing all of our experience at once, and the consequent possibility of "grand illusions"; and more. I don't have much that's new to say about these. I think that could end up posing principled limitations, but none provide inâprinciple barriers to at least initial development of methods for investigating the firstâperson data in clear cases.
Right. Heterophenomenology has already made the obligatory moves, so he doesnât need to have anything new to say about these. I donât see anything in this beyond heterophenomenology. Do you? Chalmers goes on:
When it comes to firstâperson formalisms, there may be even greater obstacles: can the content of experience be wholly captured in language, or in any other formalism, at all? Many have argued that at least some experiences are "ineffable". And if one has not had a given experience, can any description be meaningful to one? Here again, I think at least some progress ought to be possible. We ought at least to be able to develop formalisms for capturing the structure of experience: similarities and differences between experiences of related sorts, for examples, and the detailed structure of something like a visual field.
What a good idea: we can let subjects speak for themselves, in the first-person, and then we can take what they say seriously and try to systematize it, to capture the structure of their experience! And we could call it heterophenomenology.
If Chalmers speaks of anything in this paper (remember, it is entitled âFirst-person Methods in the Science of Consciousnessâ) that is actually distinct from 3rd-person heterophenomenology, I donât see what it is. Both there and in his contribution to our debate he mentioned various ongoing research topics that strike him as playing an important role in his anticipated 1st-person science of consciousnessâwork on blindsight and masking and inattentional blindness, for instanceâbut all this has long ago been fit snugly into 3rd-person science.
In the debate, Chalmers asserted that a heterophenomenological methodology would not be able to motivate questions about what was going on in consciousness in these phenomena. That is utterly false, of course; these very phenomena were, after all, parade cases for heterophenomenology in Consciousness Explained. It is important to remember that the burden of heterophenomenology is to explain, in the end, every pattern discoverable in the heterophenomenological worlds of subjects; it is precisely these patterns that make these phenomena striking, so heterophenomenology is clearly the best methodology for investigating these phenomena and testing theories of them.
I find it ironic that while Chalmers has made something of a mission of trying to convince scientists that they must abandon 3rd-person science for 1st-person science, when asked to recommend some avenues to explore, he falls back on the very work that I showcased in my account of how to study human consciousness empirically from the 3rd-person point of view. Moreover, it is telling that none of the work on consciousness that he has mentioned favorably addresses his so-called Hard Problem in any fashion; it is all concerned, quite appropriately, with what he insists on calling the easy problems. First-person science of consciousness is a discipline with no methods, no data, no results, no future, no promise. It will remain a fantasy.
Appendix: Goldman on heterophenomenology
Alvin Goldman, responding to the paragraph above about Goldman 1997 (see page 5), entered into an email debate with me, lightly edited by me to avoid repetition and remove material not germane to the topics:
Goldman: First, a brief substantive reply to your points [see above, p5]. When cognitive scientists rely on subjects' reports about visual illusions, I take them to be relying on the veracity of the Ss' judgments (beliefs) about how the stimuli look (etc.). That is, after all, what the Ss presumably say, or can be interpreted as saying: "It looks as if suchâandâsuch". And the cognitive scientist takes that to be true, i.e., that it does look that way to the S (roughly at the time of report). Similarly, the cognitive scientist obviously does not conclude that Ss who report a deja vu
experience really did have the same type of experience in his/her past. That could not be ascertained by the subject by introspection, which is restricted to present events. So even if the S's deja vu report implies that he/she believes that a certain event or experience occurred in the
past (I am not sure it does imply this), the cognitive scientist does not rely on the accuracy of this belief. However, the cognitive scientist (also) takes the S to report, and to believe, that he/she is currently having a "seemsâlikeâthisâhappenedâtoâmeâinâthe past" experience. And the cognitive scientist does trust the S's report of that. In other words, the scientist concludes that the S does have (roughly at the time of report) an experience of the type "seemsâlikeâthisâ happenedâ toâmeâinâtheâpast".
In the context of the treatment of illusions, I do have to talk more about "looks" or "seems". As your discussion below indicates (and you have frequently said in print), you take "seems" only to express something about a S's belief. There is no further fact about S (beyond a belief fact) that is expressed by "It seems to S to be F". I, on the contrary, think that a seemingâstate is not merely a belief, but a visual state, an auditory state, or other "perceptualâphenomenal" state. You think (see your discussion [above, p5]) that such an alleged state would have to involve "images" of certain sizes in the brain. But that is a totally unwarranted interpretation. Undergoing a perceptualâseeming episode need involve nothing like "senseâdata" of the sort you conjure up. Cognitive scientists do not have to commit themselves to anything like that when they say that a S really is undergoing a certain type of perceptualâseeming episode (when the S reports that he is).
DENNETT REPLY interjected: EXACTLY! They don't have to commit themselves to anything like that. They can remain neutral. My example of mental images in the brain was just a fr'instance. My point was that to go beyond heterophenomenological agnosticism, they'd have to suppose something was implied by their S's judgments (beyond the bare fact that these were their judgments, which is what heterophenomenology happily allows). Now it MAY be that your point about "perceptualâphenomenal" states that go beyond "mere" beliefâstates will someday be supported somehow. But in the meantime, cognitive science proceeds along merrily, leaving itself strictly neutral about that. And in at least some instances (for instance, sudden hunches of dĂ©ja vu) the claim that there is anything "perceptualâphenomenal" about the presentiment over and above the inclination so to judge seems particularly dubious. (Ask yourself what deja vu would be like if it didn't have any soâcalled "phenomenal" stuffing. Isn't that in fact what it is like?) But in any case, cognitive science can and should (and does!) remain strictly neutral about such questions of phenomenality until the case is clearly made. My point for years is that it never has been made, so it counts, so far, as just a set of tempting hunches (versions of the Zombic Hunch) that cognitive science should also be agnostic about. And I know of no research in cognitive science that has violated that neutrality except by accident.
You say that my view is that "There is no further fact about S (beyond a belief fact) that is expressed by "It seems to S to be F"." Not quite. I have challenged people to show any way in which there is such a further fact. My view is that it has not been shown that there is any such further fact (beyond the obvious other "behavioral" facts that accompany such belief facts, typically) and in the meanwhile cognitive science can proceed quite happily in strict neutrality about this. In fact, it had better be neutral about this from the outset, so that it can actually have a standpoint from which it might confirm (or disconfirm) your belief.
GOLDMAN, contined: So what is going on when people have a perceptualâseeming episode (whether during actual perception or during imagery)? You point out, in connection with the Shepard, Kosslyn, and Pylyshyn debate, that cogscientists would never rely on Ss' reports to try to settle that. I reply: That is certainly true! But I would never claim, and have never claimed, that scientists rely on all aspects or all details of what their Ss might say. This is explicitly addressed in my "Science, Publicity, and Consc" (SPC) paper on p. 544, the last page of the article. "Everyone nowadays agrees that introspection is an unreliable method for answeringquestions about the microâstructure of cognition. For example, nobody expects subjects to report reliably whether their thinking involves the manipulation of sentences in a language of thought. But this leaves many other types of questions about which introspection could be reliable". This point is made again in my JCS paper, "Can Science Know When You're Conscious?" [Journal of Consciousness Studies, 2000] Here is what I say on p. 4 of that article: "Cognitive psychologists and neuropsychologists would not rely, after all, on their subjects' reports about all psychological states or processes. When it comes to the nonconscious sphere of mental processingââthe great bulk of what transpires in the mindâbrainââscientists would not dream of asking subjects for their opinions. Moreover, if subjects were to offer their views about what happens (at the microâlevel) when they parse a sentence or retrieve an episode from memory or reach for a cup, scientists would give no special credence to these views."
So I fully acknowledge that for a wide range of questions, scientists do not allow their Ss' introspections to settle anything. (Of course, usually the Ss have nothing to offer about what happens at the microâlevel.) But for another large range of questions, I claim, they do trust their Ss' introspections. (A more precise specification of which questions are which I have not yet tried to give. Nor do I know of anybody who has tried to be precise on this matter.)
DENNETT REPLY interjected: Try me. I have. I have pointed out that they trust their S's introspective reports to be fine accounts of how it seems to themââwith regard to every phenomenon in all modalities. And that this exhausts the utility of their S's protocols, which they can then investigate by devising experiments that probe the underlying mechanisms. They "trust" their Ss only after they've discovered, independently, that their statements, interpreted as assertions about objective,3rdâpersonâaccessible processes going on in their brains, are reliable. In other words, they only "rely on" S's statements when they have confirmed that they can be usefully interpreted as ordinary reliable reports of objective properties.
Ask yourself how things would stand if Pylyshyn's most extreme line of mental imagery had turned out to be true (more than the barest logical possibility, I'm sure you would agreeââhe was not insane or incoherent to put forward his criticisms). In that case, I submit, everyone would agree that the agnosticism of heterophenomenology had paid off bigtime; people turn out to be deeply wrong about what they are doing. They think they are manipulating mental images with such and such features when in fact all that is happening in them is X. The fact that it sure seems to them that they are manipulating mental images would then have to be explained by showing how they are caused to have these heartfelt convictions in spite of their now demonstrated falsehood. Now if that was never a possible outcome of the research, what on earth could Pylyshyn have thought he was doing? For that matter, what could Kosslyn have thought he was doing?
GOLDMAN continued: In any case, the main point is that I of course agree that not everything a subject might say, in an introspective spirit, would be regarded as scientific gospel. So some of the things you say about conflicts between scientific practice and my reconstruction of it don't work.
DENNETT REPLY: I didn't say you did claim that they held that everything is regarded as scientific gospel. I said that you claimed that cognitive scientists aren't systematically agnostic. But they are, systematically, so systematically that they don't even both mentioning it, in all the cases I cite in this passage where I discuss your claim.
The proper way to criticize my view is to develop an independent case for "real seeming." A number of people have tried. Nobody has yet succeeded. See, e.g., the essays in the Phil Topics issue of 1994, and my response, "Get Real". But beyond establishing this as a philosophical point, there is the obligation to show that cognitive science has been (or should be) honoring it. When you can show experiments that get misinterpreted, or can't be analyzed, or would never be dreamt up, by people committed to heterophenomenology, then you can claim that I am mistaken in claiming that heterophenomenology both is, and should be, agnostic.
GOLDMAN, next response: I agree that one of the key issues is whether there is anything more to visual seeming (e.g.) than belief. At the risk of repeating what others have said (possibly ad nauseum, from your point of you), this just seems like the obvious, straightforward interpretation of what goes on in, e.g., the blindsight patient. The patient doesn't tell his physician that he doesn't believe that there are any objects of suchâandâsuch type in the vicinity (in the area of his scotoma). He says that he doesn't see anything in that vicinity [expressing, not reporting his belief that he doesnât see anything in that vicinity; see CE, pp305-6--DCD]. We might even arrange for there to be a case where he does have beliefs about the target properties ââ as a result of somebody else telling him about such properties. But he'll still say that he doesn't see anything there. And the standard, default, entryâlevel reaction of the cognitive scientist is to trust that report, to conclude that S really doesn't see anything there. Of course, the scientist might be a little more cautious, since, among other things, the S might be confabulating, or neglecting. But the reason blindsight is an interesting and challenging phenomenon, a phenomenon related to vision, is because it's an absence of seeing. How do we know about this absence? From the S. From the subjects' reports. So we are basing our conclusions on a trust of the subjects' reports.
DENNETT REPLY interjected: Not so. Anticipating this sort of response in my own discussion of blindsight in CE, I pointed out the problem of trust. See p326, where I show why "the phenomena of blindsight appear only when we treat subjects from the standpoint of heterophenomenology" and particularly point to how the phenomenon would evaporate if we concluded that subjects were malingering, or suffering from hysterical blindness. Heterophenomenology is tailor made for dealing with blindsight.
Again, in the deja vu case, it doesn't capture the phenomenon well to describe it as a belief that one experienced a similar thing in the past. Rather, it's a phenomenon in which it feels like one experienced such a thing in the past; or one has a seeming memory of such a thing. One might not believe that it happened at all, but one still feels as if it did. Again it's a reliance on the S's report of this phenomenon that makes the observer think that the S has really undergone this phenomenon at the time of report.
DENNETT REPLY interjected: To "feel as if it did" is to be strongly tempted to judge that it did.Of course the temptation can be overridden once one is no longer naive. And what is the feeling of temptation? Just noticing that one is so tempted to judge!
GOLDMAN next reply: I realize that a "doxological" (or representational) reductionist like yourself will want to reduce feeling states to dispositionsâtoâbelieve. A resistor like myself need not deny, of course, that feeling states do have a tendency to produce beliefs. The question is whether there are "categorical" features of feeling states in virtue of which they have that tendency, or whether they are just pure doxological tendency and nothing else. I find the former view more compelling, and don't think that representational reductionism will work across the board. But this is another big issue (admittedly one that is intimately tied to the issue at hand).
DENNETT REPLY: Fine. And isn't it nice that heterophenomenology can proceed with all of its research agenda without our having to settle anything about this "big issue" first! If you're right, the "categorical" features will eventually be confirmed to be important by some as yet unimagined test. (Or if, as I gather your colleague David Chalmers holds, no empirical or "behavioral" test could shed any light on this important but elusive sort of feature, I guess it will have to be some philosophical argument alone that settles the issue. Seems unlikely in the extreme to me.) In the meantime, a 3rdâperson science of consciousness can proceed apace. That's what is so good about its neutrality.
GOLDMAN: One last question about "neutrality". In your discussion of blindsight, do you agree that scientists give prima facie credence to a subject who claims to have no sight in a certain area? You stress that they do not uncritically trust these subjects. They want to check to see if there is neurological damage, and they want to rule out the possibility of "hysterical blindness". But don't they give some prima facie credence to the subject's report? Or do you deny this? If you agree that they do this, the question arises as to whether this is "neutrality", or agnosticism. I think not. Most epistemologists would agree that all of our sources of belief or justification are subject to correction from other sources. We don't trust vision uncritically, or memory, etc., etc. But to say this is not to say that we are "agnostic" toward vision or memory. By giving prima facie credibility to each of these sources, we are doing the most that we ever do to any one source (or any one deliverance of a particular source). I would argue that the same holds here. Although the scientist does not uncritically trust a S's introspection (and there's an additional factor here ââ the S's report might not stem from introspection at all), he does give it prima facie trust. And that is very far from agnosticism. So if heterophenomenology ascribes true agnosticism to scientists, as you claim it does, then it doesn't get matters right.
DENNETT REPLY: As I try to make clear in CE, in the section entitled "The Discreet Charm of the Anthropologist,â (pp82â3, on "Feenoman") heterophenomenology is NOT the NORMAL interpersonal relationship with which we treat others' beliefsââwith its presumption of truth (marked by the willingness of the interlocutor to argue against it, to present any evidence believed to run counter, etc). That is also true of anthropologists' relationships with their subjects when investigating such things as their religion. Actually, it extends quite farââwhen the native informants are telling the anthropologists about, say, their knowledge of the healing powers of the local plants, the anthropologists' first concern is to get the lore, true or false ââsomething to be investigated further later. Ditto for heterophenomenology: get the lore, as neutrally and sympathetically as possible. That is a kind of agnosticism, differing in the ways I detail on pp82â3 from the normal interpersonal stance, but it is the normal researcher/subject relationship when studying consciousness with the help of S's protocols. If it doesn't fit your (or a dictionary's, or the majority of epistemologistsâ) definition of agnosticism perfectly, I have at least made clear just what kind of agnosticism it is, and why it is the way it is.
As for blindsight, do the researchers give some prima facie credence to the reports? Of courseââotherwise they wouldn't even consider investigating them. As I say, their attitude is to take what subjects say as seriously as possibleââa policy that is entirely consistent with a kind of agnosticism, of course. The old introspectionism failed precisely because it attempted, unwisely, to give subjects more authority than they can handle; as the years rolled on, more cautious and savvy researchers developed the methodology I have dubbed heterophenomenology. Theycrafted a maximally objective, controlled way to turn verbal reports (and interpreted buttonâpushes, etc., etc) into legitimate data for science. All I have done is to get persnickety about the rationale of this entirely uncontroversial and ubiquitous methodology, and point out how and why it is what it isââand then I've given it an unwieldy name. So when, in my forthcoming Cognition essay, in the special issue on the cognitive neuroscience of consciousness, I point out that the hundreds of experiments discussed in the various pieces in that issue all conform to heterophenomenology, the editors and referees nod in agreement. Of course. It's just science, after all. And it does study consciousness. Obviouslyââunless you believe that the "easyâ problems of consciousness are not about consciousness at all.
Now I have challenged David Chalmers to name a single experiment (in good repute) which in any way violates or transcends the heterophenomenological method. So far, he has not responded to my challenge. My challenge to you is somewhat different: to show that I misdescribe the standard methodology of cognitive science when I say it adopts the neutrality of heterophenomenology.
References:
G H Bower and J P Clapper, 1989, âExperimental Methods in Cognitive Science,â in M. Posner, ed., Foundations of Cognitive Science, MIT Press. 1989
Chalmers, 1996, The Conscious Mind
Dennett, 1988, âQuining Qualiaâ in Marcel and Bisiach, eds. Consciousness in Contemporary Science, CUP.
Dennett, 1999, âIntrinsic changes in experience: Swift and enormousâ commentary on Palmer, in BBS, Vol 22, No. 6, December 1999.
Dennett, forthcoming, âThe Zombic Hunch: Extinction of an Intuition?â in Philosophy (special issue on philosophy at the millennium.)
Goldman, Alvin, 1997, Philosophy of Science, 64, pp525-545
Goldman, Alvin, "Can Science Know When You're Conscious?" [Journal of Consciousness Studies, 2000.
O'Craven, K. M., Rosen, B. R., Kwong, K. K., Treisman, A., & Savoy, R. L. (1997).
Voluntary Attention Modulates fMRI Activity in Human MT/MST. Neuron, 18. XXX)
Palmer, S., 1999, Behavioral and Brain Sciences ,Vol 22, No. 6, December 1999.
[1]Consider Option B for the simpler case raised earlier. Do you want to cling to a concept of visual consciousness according to which your conviction that your visual consciousness is detailed all the way out is not contradicted by the discovery that you cannot identify large objects in the peripheral field? You could hang tough: âOh, all that youâve shown is that weâre not very good at identifying objects in our peripheral vision; that doesnât show that peripheral consciousness isnât as detailed as it seems to be! All youâve shown is that a mere behavioral capacity that one might mistakenly have thought to coincide with consciousness doesnât, in fact, show us anything about consciousness!â Yes, if you are careful to define consciousness so that nothing âbehavioralâ can bear on it, you get to declare that consciousness transcends âbehaviorismâ without fear of contradiction. See âAre we Explaining Consciousness Yet?â for a more detailed account of this occasionally popular but hopeless move.
[2]âI simply say that invoking consciousness is not necessary to explain actions; there will always be a physical explanation that does not invoke or imply consciousness. A better phrase would have been âexplanatorily superfluousâ, rather than âexplanatorily irrelevant.ââ (Chalmersâ second reply to Searle, on his website)
[3]Chalmers seems to think that conducting surveys of his audiences, to see what proportion can be got to declare their allegiance to the Zombic Hunch, yields important data. Similar data-gathering would establish the falsehood of neo-Darwinian theory and the existence of an afterlife.
Proposal for an International Group for a First Person Science
http://www.focusing.org/gendlin_johnson_iscience.html
Eugene T. Gendlin
International Focusing Institute
34 East Lane, Spring Valley, N.Y. 10977
gend@midway.uchicago.edu
Don Hanlon Johnson
California Institute of Integral Studies
1453 Mission Street
San Francisco, CA 94103
415/575-6237
donj@ciis.edu
Japanese Translation
We need to develop a publically recognized science in which experiencing by persons (you and I) is not systematically dropped out. We need to add a third science to the two we now have. The one that is usually called "science" employs the atomistic unit model, but there is now also "ecology" which employs a holistic model. The existence of two models protects us from some of the blind spots in either. The second model poses questions and defines variables which could not be conceived of within the atomistic science.
Models differ in methods, assumptions, the ways of going about studying anything. Whatever may be studied along the lines of a certain model will seem to have certain characteristics, because what can be defined and found has to be conceivable in terms of the model.
The unit model which governs most of our natural sciences can be understood most easily as the mathematical model. It is also the model of the machine. A machine is constructed out of parts. The parts exist separately. Each is an understandable unit. When we add numbers, for example 3+4, we keep the units clear-cut, to get seven. The number 71 is ten times this plus one more unit. Each unit can stand alone, and unites with others only if we unite them. With the unit model, anything we study is first divided into stable units, parts, atoms, particles which are understood separately. Then we use the separate units to reconstruct what we are studying. When we can make it ourselves, then we say we "understand" it. So, of course anything studied with this model seems to be something constructed, made out of separable parts. This model has given us more progress and benefits than any other kind. But like every model, it has its limitations
In the unit model there is no basic difference between living and inanimate things because everything is assumed to be made of the same inanimate parts. The parts are separately understood as if they could exist alone. The recombination is a construction. Everything complex is rendered as a kind of machine made out of separable parts. Animals and persons are just machines insofar as this kind of science can study them. How you and I experience ourselves and each other disappears in the reality presented by this science.
At home the unit-model scientist looks into the eyes of the child, and the child looks back. But the scientist thinks: "Isn't it sad that you are really just a machine!" This belief would not be possible if it were recognized that every science uses a certain approach, and that the model of the natural sciences renders anything we study as if we had made it out of separately existing units in the way in which we make a machine. The natural sciences cannot really construct living things, but the unit model leads one to assume that some day we will. Meanwhile a great many changes and artificial designs can be introduced into living things.
In ecology, on the other hand, everything is thought about within a living whole. The holistic model is the opposite of the unit model. No separate part can be understood alone. To understand it one must see its role within the whole. In recent decades much has been observed in ecology, which could not appear in the unit model. The new variables were then also given operational definitions for regular operational research.
Ecology uses the opposite model: Everything is part of the whole. Therefore "Don't do anything to the algae. It might affect everything else. One change can change the whole system." Although the holistic model is surely valuable, it has its own limitations. We are part of the whole cosmic system, and it is fruitful to study ourselves within this larger whole. But in this model we are absorbed into the wider system. Again we do not appear.
The fact that both sciences are successful, and that their contributions differ, shows that the use of different models is fruitful. Many predictions which could only have come from ecology have now been verified. The indispensability of ecology is generally accepted. There is every reason to think that a scientific model more appropriate to the reflexive processes of human beings would lead to variables and findings which might be as important for us as the results of ecology have been for the preservation of fish and other species.
The processes of humans and higher animals involve a self-reflexive dimension. Reflexivity is not a mere "consciousness" added to processes that can be understood without it. It is not just an observing awareness that hovers over a merely physical body. It is rather an inherent dimension which gives organic processes many characteristics which cannot appear in the two existing sciences with third person concepts about what occurs over there. Both sciences miss first persons, but we are here, after all.
A third model exists. It is a model of processes. It involves a philosophical shift from content to process. Instead of analyzing separated objects, one defines different kinds of experiential processes. This approach has already led to many humanly significant new variables which would never appear in the other models. There is already a great deal of verifiable knowledge, but it has not yet been integrated and systematized as a public science. The formation of a genuine first person science with its own model seems quite feasible.
The study of processes does not depend on stable units, nor on a single whole. Organic process consists of a series of always freshly created wholes. It puts the holistic model on wheels, so to speak. A reflexive process makes itself as a string of wholes that cannot be predicted, deduced, or constructed from previous ones. The process makes its own next steps.
With a process model there is no precision in terms of units, nor about the whole. The model is precise in another way: There are precise distinctions between different kinds of processes, precise ways to identify whether a given kind of process is occurring or not, the precise conditions under which it can be brought about, and its precise results.
WHAT COUNTS AS "SCIENCE?"
Whether a set of assertions is science or not, doesn't depend on the basic model. It is science when one need not trust charismatic individuals or untestable reports. It is science when the findings of a given research group can also be found by other groups elsewhere.
Although unit model science and ecology differ, they both lead to the same kind of operational research with objectively defined variables. The ultimate operational research studies are the same for both, but ecology arrives at hypotheses and variables that could not arise within the atomistic model.
First person science can similarly arrive at variables and hypotheses which could not be conceived or discovered within the two existing sciences. Once recognizably defined, a first person variable can give rise to an operational (third person) version. But these objective variables can be derived only if experiencing is first studied. Then third person versions of these variables can be devised, and can predict other objective measures.
We already have such studies in a number of specialties. We also have many scattered islands of the kind of knowledge which can lead to defined variables.
Procedures and results have a truth apart from theories. Someone may object to seemingly "subjective" variables but if they can be measured with testable reliability, the erstwhile objectors become interested in the measures.
Excellent correlational methodology has long existed. What has often been lacking are precise recognizable definitions of humanly significant variables. Once reliably observable, these can be correlated with any other measures.
This is not to say that third person variables are superior in themselves. Validation of third person and first person measures is needed equally in both directions. In the human sciences the researchers need to administer their "objective" test to themselves, since this is the only way they can find out what the measure actually measures. Only on the basis of their own first person experience of what a measure taps in them can they determine whether their theoretical predictions have any chance of being verified.
The purpose of a developed first person science is not to generate correlations with the unit model science. Such correlations would occur, but rarely. Currently many scientists assume that anything experienced can be "reduced" or equated to something defined just within the unit model. Here we assume that this will turn out to be quite false. Correlations between different models are few and they never indicate an equation. Rather, for a variable in one model the correlated variable in the other model can only constitute an index, not something parallel and equal. For example, if a certain kind of anxiety correlates with sweating, this won't mean that anxiety "is really" sweating, nor is it right to assume that anxiety "is" the collection of all indices on other levels, for example the associated chemical or neurological patterns.
Even within the unit model there is no reason to assume the reduction of humans to lower level variables only. Organic chemistry does not in fact reduce to inorganic variables. Fodor ( ) points out that science increasingly develops new specialties with new variables, without anyone attempting any reduction in practice. Neurology has overtaken organic chemistry as the science to which humans are now said to be reducible. There is no reason why further higher level sciences cannot soon develop as well.
Human processes are not understandable in terms of physical, mechanical or neurological levels of explanation alone. The individual personal living process suffuses every organ.
THE FINDING OF "NO DIFFERENCE"
Currently a new technology or a new drug is tested for unintended effects. If otherwise no differences are found, then it is announced that there are no differences. But of course one can test only for differences one can think of. Finding nothing does not enable one to conclude that there is "no difference." To want to "prove no difference" violates the universally accepted principle of research that "one cannot prove the null hypothesis." This is impossible because it is easy to find no difference even where there are well-known differences, if one uses inappropriate instruments. With a thermometer one could show no difference between rain and dry weather.
The first person science would provide a large field of precise variables in terms of which one could discover and evaluate the effects of technological manipulation. From the great number of variables which now exist informally and scattered in many places, the new science would soon develop a whole field of precisely defined variables, and would discover relationships between them.
In additon to its own findings, the new science could also help to evaluate a new technology. Its variables might let us recognize differences which cannot be asked about at present. When many experiential variables have been collected and some have been operationally specified, many differences might be recognized.
The current testing of new technological applications is unfortunately not yet a serious science even within the unit model. There is no systematic matrix of variables and findings. One could almost say that there is no real science concerned with the effects of technological innovations on humans. Genuine science builds each new study on previous studies, develops variables that are the same in many studies, involves a community that pays attention to any exceptions and modifies elaborate theory when the findings go against it. In comparison, we have one study on microwave ovens, two studies on power lines, perhaps one comparing natural and bio-engineered soybeans. Where there is more than one study, the variables are different and not validated against other measures. The studies are never replicated. This field is utterly unlike the systematic series of studies that characterize a serious branch of science. A first person science would remedy this lack.
A first person science with a large number of human experiential variables might find differences that are now not definable. Consider the following examples:
EXAMPLES OF DIFFERENCES:
Newborns are routinely given many injections of drugs for various purposes, So far as can currently be determined, these achieve their aim without other consequences. In recent research on infants, Boukydis ( ) found that certain talented nurses and parents are much better at holding and fondling a newborn so as to recognize subtle difficulties, and to bring the infant to physical balance and well-being. He has defined a cluster of specific variables which nurses and parents can learn to recognize, provided that they learn a certain mode of internal attention in their own bodies. This process is now teachable and can be reliably recognized. This training is a good example of a first person process. It involves individual experiencing, but the performance it enables can be measured. If the training becomes established, it will probably improve our treatment of newborns. It will also enable us to measure whether a treatment during pregnancy or at birth makes a difference on these variables.
Differences in infants need to be measured not only right after birth, but also some years later. When a first person science has developed, we will be able to test for differences at later stages of life and on many kinds of variables, for example different kinds of dreams, different kinds of emotional blockages, different kinds of body-movement patterns, different capacities for concentration, and so on.
Drug companies and investors might like to know about undesirable effects of a treatment in advance. It would often be cheaper to take them into account in redesigning the product. We actually have this kind of knowledge already, but it is scattered and not organized and available.
Take for example, the current controversy about the drug Ritalin given to small children. Attention-deficit behavior is reduced; otherwise there is said to be no difference. But gather first person observations from close human observers: One of them nearly cried in describing her relief during vacations, when the children are without Ritalin. But what are the differences she experiences? Shall we not specify and study those?
Don Hanlon Johnson, an expert on body work has engendered a project to define the terms used in the training of several well-known methods including the Alexander Technique and Effort-Shape. When these and other such bodily variables have been specified, they can also be used to test for differences resulting from technological interventions and treatments.
THE ROLE OF THE PROPOSED SCIENCE IN SOCIAL POLICY.
It is often said that social policy decisions are influenced by the billions invested in scientific applications. Science and finance constitute a single system. Objective decisions seem impossible. Nevertheless, our social policies are argued and largely decided on the basis of science.
Politicians do not take it upon themselves to decide scientific or professional issues. They look to the officially recognized associations of experts in each field. In this regard the existence of ecology now means that the unit-model scientists no longer govern alone. Government committees making policy have to take ecology into account. We want to bring together an organized science of humans which can also be consulted in decisions that affect human beings.
Imagine yourself on a professional policy-making committee, for example on whether the removal of certain genes should be declared "safe." Certainly the company that owns the patent has a large investment, and is pressing the agency under which your committee meets. Certainly your chief has indicated which decision would make her happy. Certainly your own upbringing and culture may make you uncomfortable about the idea. All this weighs on you, but the crux is still: You must go by the best available information. And the best available information is -- science. Suppose science found that other than the intended effect, there is "no difference?" As responsible people, what else can you and your committee go by?
How can social policies possibly to be decided, if not on the best available evidence? But wherever ecology is not relevant, the best evidence today involves the assumption that human beings are machines. You can reject the assumption from your own "cultural" point of view, but this does not entitle you to reject the "best evidence." Therefore, under current conditions, social policy decisions will be based on the assumption that we are machines.
The obvious fact that we are reflexive human processes and not machines is brought home by the following science fiction story. A computerized robot realizes its condition and what is planned for him. (When it can realize ..... -- whatever "realize" involves -- the robot-man becomes a "him.") The story tells how he was made and that he is a machine. But, the story shows that if a machine could do this ....., (whatever it is that the man does), then it is human. The "this ....." includes the self-reflexive processes of wanting, feeling, and acting with an appreciation of his situation. It turns out that it hardly matters whether he is in origin human or not; if he can appreciate his situation in being treated like a machine, and if he can want something else and act on that, then he is not a machine.
We are in fact very largely in the position of the robot-man, with the difference that most of us do not yet know that in social policy-making we are assumed to be machines. But this is not a scientific finding or a well considered judgement.
It is important to let people know that the actual policies of their society assume that they are machines. It would become possible at least to slow down the current trends, if this assumption were publically known and recognized as not due to findings but due to the immensely fruitful but limited model of the natural sciences.
SCIENCE IS A SOCIAL INSTITUTION.
Francis Bacon created modern science. He recognized that no social result was coming out of the scientific experiments in which many gentlemen engaged as a fascinating hobby. Bacon understood that if their findings could be brought together, compared and collected on a society-wide basis, then a real science would result. And it did.
In a public science any new discovery is soon heard about. One knows where to announce it to all those whom it might concern. And, what is more, those concerned will respond. The discovery will be welcomed or contested, widely tested, then accepted or rejected.
In our own case, currently, there is a great deal of first person knowledge, but there is no single collection, no organized public science, no one proper place to announce it. There is little reaction to a finding. Those who don't like it feel no necessity to retest it, to find what is wrong with it, or to accept it if they cannot find anything wrong.
In the human sciences there is hardly ever a study that aims only to replicate an earlier study, or to determine what went wrong in an earlier study.
Currently there are hundreds of practical procedures, many of them very valuable for many people. The crucial variables remain the intuition of practitioners. They are capable of specificity, but there is no public motivation or call for such specificity. From a scientific point of view we would want to develop reliably recognizable marks to determine exactly what procedure is being instituted, and when. But currently this would not repay the effort because there is no public science in which it would lead to interrelations with other work, and to further discoveries.
The possibility of a first person science manifestly exists. This kind of science is developing in a number of dispersed location. There are many findings and a great deal of knowledge about first person experiencing, although not yet organized, compared and located as a socially available body of knowledge. If it were, it would make major contributions. Therefore it would soon constitute a third science which would have to be consulted and taken into account.
THE RECOGNITION OF MANY MODELS CAN RAISE THE PRESTIGE OF SCIENCE
We advocate ADDING another kind of science, not in any way lowering our respect for the unit-model science. With computers, elevators, airplanes, electricity and countless other technologies on which society depends, the unit-model science is now so deeply built into our lives that no one could wish to do without it. We are saying only that it is not the only kind of science, and that the kind of reality it presents is not the only reality.
The public knows of many truths which science denies, ignores, or considers impossible. The credibility of science would be enhanced if the official scientific attitude included the limitations of any one model. The excluded phenomena would not be stupidly denied, but rather left to be studied by a science with a different approach. The respect for science would no longer be eroded by well-known effects which science denies.
Science is now widely viewed as mere political power. A large proportion of the population does not believe in science. There is widespread belief that nothing at all holds.
Many students arrive at the University with the attitude that there are no truths and no values, except whatever one's social group demands. "At home we say this and this, but here it will no doubt be something else. We're ready for whatever it is. Privately we know that nothing holds." Students pay lip service to research because the faculty believes in it. Privately they think it's a game.
Many people currently deny even the possibility of objectivity because findings seem to depend entirely on the hypotheses. They miss the fact that nature responds to experiments with more than we had in our hypotheses. Nature is not a single set of units, but it is never arbitrary. Nature always responds exactly just so. Nature is a responsive order with responsive objectivity. Naive objectivism and relativism are not the only alternatives.
WILL "EVOLUTION" BE LOST?
The unit-model science is running ahead so fast, one cannot be sure that humans can catch up with its effects. Whole industries and financial networks invest billions long before anyone can know the eventual applications. And science itself is now partly on "automatic pilot." The findings from one experiment can be put directly into the computer to generate the next experiment, without a human decision about what it means coming between. Ecology does reveal some effects which would otherwise be seen only when it is too late to avoid them. But on most topics there is no alternative science.
Behind the Bronx zoo (and in other laboratories) new animals are being created. Defending this, one man asked me: "Well, would you want irresponsible people to do this?"
A combination "cowpig" was recently created. It could not stand up and was therefore not a practical success. It was also in constant pain. Currently it is often said that "evolution" is now happening through science. But evolution was in the interest of the creatures. The purpose of an all-lean pig is the market. The patenting of "superior" animals is opposed by the farmers who will have to pay a high price for them to just one company. The creature's own interest does not enter in.
Unit-model science is redesigning the plants, the animals, and now also us. Certain illness-causing genes are already being taken out. Soon anything can go if someone will pay to delete it in a coming child. But bodily human beings are capable of an immense variety of kinds of processes, and thereby also kinds of "self," kinds of "contents," and kinds of observable results. In certain kinds of process we find that the body has a capacity to generate quite new life-forwarding steps. This must not be lost. Before we redesign humans without understanding our own processes, let us establish an experiential first-person science, not instead, but along with the other two kinds of science.





